Nigeria

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    Umaru Yar'Adua

    Umaru Yar'Adua of the ruling People's Democratic Party (PDP) won the presidency following the April 2007 elections which were condemned by local and foreign observers, who alleged widespread vote-rigging.

    He had served as governor of the remote northern Katsina state since May 1999. A little-known figure in national politics, he was chosen by outgoing President Olusegun Obasanjo as his successor.

    He comes from a prominent political family. His father was a minister in the first government after independence and his late elder brother was an army general who served as deputy to President Olusegun Obasanjo when he was Nigeria's military ruler during the 1970s.

    When he was elected governor of Katsina in 1999, he immediately declared his assets. In his bid for the presidency he promised to fight corruption.

    Mr Yar'Adua's health has been the subject of media speculation and during the election campaign he travelled to Germany for treatment.

    He was born in 1951 and was a chemistry teacher until he went into business, then politics, in the 1980s.

    Mr Yar'Adua took over from Olusegun Obasanjo, whose election in 1999 came at the end of a period of military rule. Mr Obasanjo won a second term in 2003. A bid to keep him in office for a third term was blocked by parliament.

    Mr Obasanjo began his first leadership stint in 1976 after the assassination of Brigadier Murtala Mohamed in a failed coup. In 1979 he earned the distinction of becoming Africa's first modern military leader to hand over power to civilian rule.

    Political Structure
    From Economist.com

    Official name

    Federal Republic of Nigeria

    Form of state

    Federal republic, comprising 36 states and the Federal Capital Territory (FCT, Abuja)

    Legal system

    Based on English common law

    National legislature

    National Assembly, comprising the 109-seat Senate and the 360-seat House of Representatives; both are elected by universal suffrage for four-year terms

    National elections

    Most recent legislative election, April 12th 2007, most recent presidential election, April 19th 2007;
    Umaru Yar'Adua was elected to the presidency, while his party, the PDP, won a majority of seats in both houses of the National Assembly;

    Head of state

    President, elected by universal suffrage to serve a four-year term

    President & commander-in-chief of the armed forces
    Umaru Yar'Adua

    State government

    State governors and state houses of assembly

    National government

    The Federal Executive Council, which is chaired by the president; appointed June 30th 1999

    Main political parties

    People’s Democratic Party (PDP); All Nigeria People’s Party (APP); Action Congress (AC); All Progressive Grand Alliance (APGA); National Democratic Party (NDP); United Nigeria People’s Party (UNPP); currently 30 political parties are registered

    Politics in Brief

    Nigeria is still recovering from 15 years of corrupt military rule under General Sani Abacha, who pillaged the country until his death in 1998. In May 1999, the democratically elected Olusegun Obasanjo, a civilian albeit an ex-general, became president. He set about eradicating Mr Abacha’s legacy, clearing out top military brass and inquiring into human-rights abuses.

    But Nigeria's problems seem endless. Corruption endures, electricity is spotty and the economy is overly dependent on the yo-yoing price of oil. Tax-dodging is rife and harsh penalties imposed by Islamic courts in predominantly Muslim states have sparked sectarian riots (though enthusiasm for Islamic law has waned). Ethnic violence in the oil-rich Niger delta has also cost many lives. Controversially re-elected in April 2003, Mr Obasanjo must push through some unpopular reforms to put Nigeria right.

    There are now 30 parties

    Although politics is dominated by the three large parties, around 30 political parties participated in the general election following the registration of 27 new parties by the INEC in 2002. The new parties, which cover a wide range of interests from labor and human- rights groups to disaffected politicians from the main parties, were registered after a clamor for the relaxation of the strict rules that limited party registration. However, none of the new parties made a significant impact in the elections and only a few won any seats.

    In addition to the existing political parties, a number of influential human- rights groups and cultural-ethnic associations have a relatively high political profile. However, the radical pro-democracy movement that led the opposition to military rule became divided and weakened following the deaths in mid-1998 of General Abacha and Chief Abiola, the two principal adversaries in the political imbroglio, and now have little to no real political role.

    ELECTION RESULTS
      State governors Senate House of Representatives
      1999 2003 2003 1999 2003 2007 1999 2003 2007
    People’s Democratic Party (PDP) 21 28   67 73 85 212 221 260
    All Nigeria People’s Party (ANPP)(b) 9 7   23 28 16 80 94 62
    Alliance for Democracy/Action Congress (AD) 6 1   19 6 6 68 34 32
    Total 36 36   109 107(c)   360 354(d) 360
    (a) Number of seats. (b) Competed as the All People's Party (APP) in the 1999 elections (the APP merged with the United Nigeria People's Party in August 2003). (c) Two results still outstanding. (d) Others won five seats; six results are outstanding.
    Source: Press reports.

    Few differences remain between the political parties

    In the April 2003 elections the ruling People's Democratic Party (PDP) extended its grip on power at the federal and state levels of government (local council polls were not held, but are now scheduled for March 2004). The PDP is now strong in all regions of the country with commanding majorities in the National Assembly as well as controlling about three-quarters of the federal legislature and state governorships. Its dominance partly reflects the lack of ideological distinction between Nigeria’s three main political parties, which were formed in 1998, mostly as vehicles for alliances of prominent politicians to secure positions of power. The PDP brings together veteran politicians who played prominent roles in the Second Republic (1979–83) and the aborted Third Republic (1989–93), as well as some retired military officers. The All Nigeria People’s Party (ANPP), the second-largest party, is dominated by conservative politicians, and draws its support mainly from the far north. The Alliance for Democracy (AD), a predominantly Yoruba party that backed Mr Obasanjo's re-election, managed to retain only one of the six south-western states it previously controlled, losing the rest to the PDP.

    The Generals' Democracy

    Almost four years after handing back power to civilians, how much influence does the military still hold over Nigerian politics? The appearance of no less than four former army generals contesting the presidency in the 19 April elections is an indication that at a personal level at least, military men are still right at the forefront of power. This perhaps comes as little surprise as Nigeria's post-independence history has been dominated by the military.

    Apart from a brief period of civilian rule between 1979 and 1983, a succession of military governments ruled Nigeria from the mid-1960s right through until 1999 when a civilian government led by Olusegun Obasanjo, himself a former military head of state, was elected into office.

    Important Political Figures
    Olusegun Obasanjo:
    President 1999-2007; head of PDP; military head of state (1976-1979)

    Muhammadu Buhari: Governor of Kaduna State; head of the ANPP; military head of state (1984-1985)

    Chukwuemeka Ojukwu:
    Governor of Ibo state; head of AC; leader of break-away state of Biafra (1967-1970)

    Atiku Abubakar:
    Vice President 1999-2007;
    military head of state (1998-1999)

    Ibrahim Babangida:
    head of Supreme Military Council 1999-present; military head of state (1985-1993)

    During this era dominated by the military, a small group of senior officers became both extremely wealthy and also very powerful in business and political circles. It was also widely recognized to have been a time in which massive high-level corruption and economic mismanagement severely undermined the country's development. Nigerians frequently express their tolerance of the presence of former military officers in politics by considering it as a "transitional" phase. What they mean by this is that over time, perhaps by the next election in 2007, the generals will have moved aside to allow the younger politicians through to high office. Even that timescale seems optimistic. For now, former military officers and their allies dominate politics not just at the level of the presidential candidates, but behind the scenes as well.

    Few doubt the continuing influence Nigeria's longest serving military leader, General Ibrahim Babangida (1985-1993), holds in the election process. He is reputed to be one of Nigeria's best connected and wealthiest individuals in a country where money plays a central role in politics. In 1999 he backed the Obasanjo campaign both financially and by bringing his considerable influence to bear on northern political and business interests. This was despite Mr Obasanjo's origins as a southern, Yoruba-speaking Christian. Support from Mr Babangida, a northern Muslim, is a powerful indication of the strength of military ties over regional and ethnic issues, as well as a measure of how necessary it was felt to have a former army man in power. While it is less clear what role Mr Babangida played in the 2003 elections, his presence was felt throughout the campaign. Any mention of a meeting between one of the candidates and Mr Babangida brings a flurry of media interest. He is believed to be financially backing at least one of the smaller parties, but no-one considers this much more than a vehicle for launching any future political ambitions he might have.

    Mr Obasanjo's closest rival for the presidency Muhammadu Buhari (1983-1985) would certainly like to have Mr Babangida's support. But there is little evidence of this, despite both men being northern Muslims. It cannot have helped their personal relationship for Mr Buhari to have been overthrown by Mr Babangida in 1985 and then locked up by him. All indications are that it suited Mr Babangida for Mr Obasanjo to win a second term of office, after which he will no doubt leave the pundits guessing whether he intends to stand for election himself in 2007.

     The other two military men in the race are Ike Nwachukwu, a former foreign minister during Mr Babangida's rule, and Emeka Odumugwu-Ojukwu. For many Nigerians, the name Ojukwu is associated with just one thing - the attempted secession of eastern Nigeria from the rest of the federation and the subsequent bloody and deeply divisive civil war of 1967-1970. Then as now, Mr Ojukwu has no regrets about the war, seeing his role as one of saving the Igbo-speaking people of Nigeria from a brutal "genocide" by the country's other ethnic groups. He remembers the short-lived Biafran nation fondly as a place of sanctuary for the Igbo, not a break-away state as such. This interpretation of history will do little to persuade Nigeria's non-Igbo communities to vote for him. Nor is he likely to get sufficient support even within his own eastern Nigeria. This is one general for which time and Nigeria has moved on, leaving him well behind in the shadows.

    All this boils down to one inescapable conclusion. Nigerian democracy is being dominated if not by the military itself, then by men who made their names during military rule. It will take many years yet for this "transitional" phase to end in a fully-fledged civilian democracy in which the backing of military men is no longer a significant factor in electoral victory.


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