The
Second Bill of Rights
was a proposal made by
United
States President
Franklin
D. Roosevelt during his
State of
the Union Address on
January
11,
1944
to suggest that the nation had come to recognize, and should now
implement, a second
bill of
rights. Roosevelt did not
argue for any change to the
United
States Constitution; he
argued that the second bill of rights was to be implemented
politically, not by federal judges. Roosevelt's stated justification
was that the "political rights" granted by the Constitution and the
Bill of
Rights had "proved
inadequate to assure us equality in the pursuit of happiness."
Roosevelt's remedy was to create an "economic bill of rights" which
would guarantee:
- A job with a living wage
- Freedom from unfair
competition and monopolies
- Homeownership
- Medical care
- Education
- Recreation
Excerpt from President Roosevelt's January 11,
1944 message to the Congress of the United States on
the State of the Union
It is
our duty now to begin to lay the plans and determine
the strategy for the winning of a lasting peace and
the establishment of an American standard of living
higher than ever before known. We cannot be content,
no matter how high that general standard of living
may be, if some fraction of our people—whether it be
one-third or one-fifth or one-tenth—is ill-fed,
ill-clothed, ill-housed, and insecure.
This
Republic had its beginning, and grew to its present
strength, under the protection of certain
inalienable political rights—among them the right of
free speech, free press, free worship, trial by
jury, freedom from unreasonable searches and
seizures. They were our rights to life and liberty.
As our
nation has grown in size and stature, however—as our
industrial economy expanded—these political rights
proved inadequate to assure us equality in the
pursuit of happiness.
We have
come to a clear realization of the fact that true
individual freedom cannot exist without economic
security and independence. “Necessitous men are not
free men.” People who are hungry and out of a job
are the stuff of which dictatorships are made.
In our
day these economic truths have become accepted as
self-evident. We have accepted, so to speak, a
second Bill of Rights under which a new basis of
security and prosperity can be established for
all—regardless of station, race, or creed.
Among
these are:
The
right to a useful and remunerative job in the
industries or shops or farms or mines of the nation;
The
right to earn enough to provide adequate food and
clothing and recreation;
The
right of every farmer to raise and sell his products
at a return which will give him and his family a
decent living;
The
right of every businessman, large and small, to
trade in an atmosphere of freedom from unfair
competition and domination by monopolies at home or
abroad;
The
right of every family to a decent home;
The
right to adequate medical care and the opportunity
to achieve and enjoy good health;
The
right to adequate protection from the economic fears
of old age, sickness, accident, and unemployment;
The
right to a good education.
All of
these rights spell security. And after this war is
won we must be prepared to move forward, in the
implementation of these rights, to new goals of
human happiness and well-being.
America’s own rightful place in the world depends in
large part upon how fully these and similar rights
have been carried into practice for our citizens.
Roosevelt was
never able to pass his broad bill, and his successor, Harry
Truman, was forced to accept a more narrow bill aimed at
making the government responsible for the economy; the
Employment Act
(H.R.
2202,
S.
380, 15 USC
§ 1021
et seq.) is a
United States
federal law. Its
main purpose was to lay the responsibility of economic
stability onto the federal government.
By the end of
World War II,
the nation was finally shrugging free of the drastic
economic
recession
that had culminated in the
Great Depression.
During that time, unemployment rates soared into the
twenties of percent, and only radical government spending
seemed to curb further degradation. The
U.S. Congress,
fearful of another bout of unemployment spurred by the
return of discharged war veterans, sought to establish
preemptive safeguards against economic downturn.
The United States
relied on Keynesian economic theory to develop its strategy.
The theory, set forth by economist
John Maynard
Keynes, contends
that unemployment is caused by insufficient aggregate demand
relative to the possible aggregate supply generated by full
employment. Swings in aggregate demand create a phenomenon
known as a business cycle that leads to irregular downsizing
and hiring runs, causing fluctuations in unemployment.
Keynes argued that the biggest contributor of these shifts
in aggregate demand is investment.
To keep aggregate
demand fairly consistent and thus minimize the impact of
business cycles, the government must keep the rate of
investment reasonably constant. To this effect, the
government should engage in
compensatory spending to
counterbalance private sector investment, minimizing its
indirect effect on unemployment.
The original bill,
called the Full Employment Bill of 1946, was introduced in
the House as H.R. 2202 and introduced without change by
Congressman
Wright Patman
in the Senate as S. 380. The bill represented a concerted
effort to develop a broad economic policy for the country.
In particular, it mandated that the federal government do
everything in its authority to achieve full employment,
which was established as a right guaranteed to the American
people. In this vein, the bill required the President to
submit an annual economic report in addition to the national
budget. The report, designated the Economic Report of
President, must estimate the projected employment rate for
the next fiscal year, and if not commensurate with the full
employment rate, to mandate policies as necessary to attain
it.
There was strong
opposition to the wording of the bill. In particular, a
number of congressmen argued that business cycles in a
free enterprise
economy were natural
and that compensatory spending should only be exercised in
the most extreme of cases. Some also believed that the
economy would naturally drive toward full employment levels.
Others believed that accurate employment level forecasting
by the government was not practical or feasible. Some were
uncomfortable with an outright guarantee of employment.
The bill was pressured to
take on a number of amendments that forced the removal of
the guarantee of full employment and the order to engage in
compensatory spending. Although the spirit of the bill
carried through into the Employment Act of 1946 (hereafter
referred to as "Act"), its metaphorical bite was gone. The
final Act was not so much a mandate as it was a set of
suggestions.
President
Harry S. Truman
signed the compromise bill into law on
February 20,
1946.
The Employment Act
of 1946 was a definitive attempt by the federal government
to develop macroeconomic policy. Future economic policy was
allowed to grow beyond the
constitutionally
defined realm of
monetary and trade control and into the national economy
at-large. Although Congress removed all of the quantitative
markers from the final incarnation of the law, the Act keeps
the original spirit intact and encourages the federal
government to "promote maximum employment, production, and
purchasing power." This clause set the foundations for
future cooperation and communication between the federal
government and private enterprise.
The Act requires
the President to submit an annual economic report within ten
days of the submission of the national budget that forecasts
the future state of the economy, including employment,
production, capital formation, and real income statistics.
This
Economic Report
of the President, as
the Act names it, sets forth future economic goals of the
country and offers suggestions on how to attain it, a marked
compromise from the original bill's focus on compensatory
spending.
The Act creates the
Council of
Economic Advisers,
an appointed advisory board that will advise and assist the
President in formulating economic policy. It also creates
the
Joint Economic
Committee, a
committee composed of both senators and representatives
instructed to review the government's economic policy at
least annually.
Unemployment levels
remained fairly steady after the passing of the Act. After
1970, however, the economy began to fluctuate and
unemployment rates rose again. The same fears that motivated
the creation of the Act in 1946 precipitated an amendment in
1978, entitled the
Full Employment
and Balanced Growth Act.
Some Congressmen, dissatisfied with the vague wording of
this act, sought to modify the Act in a way that would
strengthen and clarify the country's economic policy.
As before, Congress
turned to
Keynesian
economic theory for
a solution, which emphasized economic control through
manipulation of demand-side factors. In particular, the
government can minimize the shock of business fluctuations
by compensatory spending,
essentially inserting government investment money where
private money used to be. Furthermore, Congress
encouraged the government to develop a sound
monetary policy,
controlling inflation and pushing toward full employment by
managing the amount and liquidity of currency in
circulation. As a last resort, Congress believed that
unemployment could be temporarily relieved by the creation
of government jobs as they did during the
Great Depression.
Finally, Congress sought to involve more elements of the
federal government in the economic policy process, and to
clarify the role of those elements that were already
involved. In particular, the central bank of the United
States, the
Federal Reserve,
and the Presidency.
Representative
Augustus Hawkins
and Senator
Hubert Humphrey
created the Full Employment and Balanced Growth Act. It was
signed into law by President
Jimmy Carter
on
October 27,
1978,
and codified as 15 USC
§ 3101.
The Act explicitly
instructs the nation to strive toward four ultimate goals:
full employment, growth in production, price stability, and
balance of trade and budget. By explicitly setting
requirements and goals for the federal government to attain,
the Act is markedly stronger than its predecessor. In brief,
the Act:
- Explicitly states that the federal
government will rely primarily on private enterprise to
achieve the four goals.
- Instructs the government to take
reasonable means to balance the budget.
- Instructs the government to
establish a
balance of
trade, avoiding
harmful trade deficits.
- Mandates the Board of Governors of
the Federal Reserve to establish a monetary policy that
maintains long-run growth, minimizes inflation, and
promotes price stability.
- Instructs the Board of
Governors of the Federal Reserve to transmit an
Monetary
Policy Report to the Congress
twice a year outlining its monetary policy.
- Requires the President to set
numerical goals for the economy of the next fiscal year
in the
Economic
Report of the President
and to suggest policies that will achieve these goals.
- Requires the Chairman of the Federal
Reserve to connect the monetary policy with the
Presidential economic policy.
The Act set specific
numerical goals for the President to attain. By 1983,
unemployment rates should be not more than 3% for persons
aged 20 or over and not more than 4% for persons aged 16 or
over, and inflation rates should not be over 4%. By 1988,
inflation rates should be 0%. The Act allows Congress to
revise these goals as time progresses.
If private enterprise is
lacking in power to achieve these goals, the Act expressly
allows the government to create a "reservoir of public
employment." These jobs are required to be in the lower
ranges of skill and pay so as to not draw the workforce away
from the private sector.
Perhaps most
interestingly, the Act directly prohibits
discrimination
on account of gender, religion, race, age, and national
origin in any program created under the Act.
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